{"id":26139,"date":"2025-11-11T09:59:21","date_gmt":"2025-11-11T06:59:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/?p=26139"},"modified":"2025-11-11T10:02:12","modified_gmt":"2025-11-11T07:02:12","slug":"a-reflection-on-alex-de-waals-recent-interview-with-shushay-adane","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/?p=26139","title":{"rendered":"A Reflection on Alex de Waal\u2019s Recent Interview with Shushay Adane."},"content":{"rendered":"

A Reflection on Alex de Waal\u2019s Recent Interview with Shushay Adane.<\/strong><\/p>\n

By Ghenet Gebru,<\/strong><\/p>\n

Before I delve into my reflections and critique, allow me to express my sincere appreciation and profound respect for Professor Alex de Waal\u2014an exceptional voice of moral clarity and courage since the eruption of the genocidal war against Tigray in November 2020. A few international scholars have demonstrated such steadfast dedication to truth and justice as he has. From the earliest days of the all-out war and suffocating siege\u2014when silence, denial, and distortion dominated global narratives\u2014Professor de Waal\u2019s voice rose above the noise with reason, integrity, and an unwavering sense of human empathy. His forthright critique of injustice and his persistent engagement with the international community have shed invaluable light on both the scale and the deliberate intent behind the atrocities committed against the people of Tigray.<\/p>\n

In his recent interview with Armamedia, hosted by Shushay Adane, Professor de Waal once again offered remarkable insight\u2014especially in his precise and articulate clarification of what constitutes genocide. His explanation was not only academically rigorous but also morally compelling. He laid out, with legal and historical clarity, that genocide is defined not merely by the number of lives lost but by the intent to destroy a people, in whole or in part, through acts of mass killing, starvation, sexual violence, and systematic destruction of their means of survival. His remarks left no room for equivocation or denial: the atrocities committed against Tigrayans meet the definition of genocide.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

At a time when certain international actors and opportunistic voices continue to minimize or distort the magnitude of the crimes committed against the people of Tigray, Professor de Waal\u2019s account of the war stood out as both necessary and genuinely courageous. He reminded the world, with scholarly precision and moral conviction, that the destruction of Tigray\u2019s infrastructure, health care systems, and schools; the cruel and systematic use of sexual violence; the weaponization of hunger; and the deliberate targeting of civilians were not unfortunate byproducts of war\u2014but calculated instruments of genocide. For this, he deserves all Tigrayans utmost gratitude and enduring respect. His intervention not only reaffirmed the lived experiences of millions of Tigrayans but also reignited the moral and legal imperative to pursue justice and hold the perpetrators accountable for one of the darkest chapters in recent history<\/p>\n

That said, while I deeply appreciate Professor de Waal\u2019s powerful and principled exposition on genocide, I found certain remarks he made regarding the TPLF to be both unfortunate and analytically misplaced. In the interview, he asserted that the \u201cTPLF leadership must depart,\u201d criticizing the party for allegedly failing the people and becoming detached from those it claims to represent. He also referenced allegations implicating the TPLF in illicit gold mining activities.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Such claims, however, fall short of the depth and rigor that typically characterize Professor de Waal\u2019s scholarship. His statements oversimplify the complex realities of Tigray\u2019s post-war political terrain and, perhaps unintentionally, echo the propaganda narratives carefully engineered by those seeking to dismantle the TPLF leadership and, by extension, extinguish the organized political voice of Tigray. Reducing the TPLF\u2019s role to that of a political obstacle not only disregards its historical and ongoing contributions to Tigray\u2019s survival but also risks legitimizing the very disinformation campaigns that have long aimed to fracture Tigray\u2019s unity.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

To begin with, it is the government of Mr. Abiy Ahmed\u2014not the TPLF\u2014that has consistently obstructed the implementation of the CoHA. I strongly believe this not to be difficult for Prof. de Wall to understand. Since the signing of the CoHA, the TPLF has repeatedly appealed to the African Union, mediators, observers, and the broader international community to intervene, as the government of Mr. Abiy Ahmed has shown no interest, commitment or willingness, whatsoever, to fulfill even its most basic obligations under the agreement.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Mr. Abiy Ahmed has deliberately resisted reinstating Tigray\u2019s territorial integrity to its pre-war status, ensuring the safe and voluntary return of IDPs, and pursuing justice and accountability for the atrocities committed. In addition, the government of Abiy Ahmed refuses to reinstate TPLF\u2019s legal status. Instead, his regime has invested its resources in corrupting some of its members and other Tigrayan politicians, fostering divisions, and manufacturing proxy actors within Tigray\u2014all designed to fracture the region\u2019s unity and dismantle the TPLF, the only political force Mr. Abiy Ahmed gravely fears.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The TPLF\u2019s role in Tigray\u2019s political reorganization since the CoHA\u2019s signing cannot be dismissed or distorted. It has been actively engaged with the people through community assemblies, consultative forums, and regional conferences\u2014open platforms where citizens have voiced their frustrations, criticisms, and hopes.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

I concur with Professor de Waal on certain points about what the TPLF might have done differently before the war. However, once the party voluntarily relinquished federal power and relocated its center to Mekelle, events unfolded with astonishing speed\u2014far faster than any reasonable person could have anticipated\u2014and the political landscape began collapsing almost overnight. Abiy Ahmed, working hand in hand with both internal and foreign collaborators, moved aggressively to eliminate any political force capable of challenging his so-called \u201cchange\/reform\u201d agenda\u2014 which, in reality, was a calculated project to entrench himself as an unchallenged ruler in the 21st century. As you rightly noted, the people of Tigray gave the TPLF the benefit of the doubt, recognizing the existential danger that was rapidly unfolding, and they played an indispensable role in resisting the campaign of annihilation waged against them.<\/p>\n

What Professor de Waal seems to understate, however, is the decisive role of political leadership in that resistance. The TPLF\u2019s political networks and communication structures were crucial in organizing, mobilizing, and unifying the population at a moment of unprecedented peril. It is inconceivable that a society\u2014no matter how resilient\u2014could have withstood a genocidal campaign of such magnitude without structured leadership, coordination, and
\nexperience. The TPLF\u2019s organizational and leadership capacity, political discipline, and war-hardened experience were central to Tigray\u2019s survival. To overlook this reality is to echo a narrative designed by that intent on erasing the TPLF\u2019s historical role and extinguishing its political legacy.<\/p>\n

I also concur with Professor de Waal that the TPLF must return to the people and restore its bond of trust with them. It should end any perception of operating in secrecy and instead revive its longstanding practice of open consultation and participatory decision-making. However, his characterization that the TPLF \u201cfell right into the lap of the enemy\u201d\u2014referring to Abiy Ahmed and Isaias Afwerki\u2014strikes me as a biased generalization that overlooks the complexity of the post-war political context. Indeed, the period immediately following the signing of the Pretoria agreement saw the political situation in Tigray unravel at an alarming pace. My educated guess has been that the central element of the CoHA was the intent to dismantle the TPLF from within\u2014much as the EPRDF was dismantled. Tragically, a few splinter members of the TPLF, both active and veteran, appear to have turned their backs on their people and aligned themselves with Abiy Ahmed\u2019s regime, participating in efforts to weaken and delegitimize the TPLF.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Paraphrasing what Professor de Waal has noted, Abiy Ahmed thrives on creating confusion and consolidating power through manipulation. He has aggressively weaponized money to buy the loyalty of certain Tigrayan elites, who in turn have betrayed their allegiance to their people. His policies have deliberately impoverished Tigray, reducing a
\nproud and self-reliant nation to one forced into humiliation. The result is a tragic distortion of Tigray\u2019s once vibrant political and economic spirit\u2014a people pushed into beggary by design.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

I concur with the notion that the TPLF must indeed go back to its roots\u2014back to the people. It must rely on the wisdom, consultation, and collective judgment of the Tigrayan people to rebuild trust and chart a new course. The people have already shown their capacity to guide, correct, and strengthen their leadership in times of crisis. What is required now is the humility to listen, the courage to reform, and the foresight to organize a genuine political process that allows the people to speak freely and define their future. The existential threat that once came from outside is now both external and internal\u2014and only through genuine people-centered leadership can Tigray navigate this perilous moment.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

I completely agree with Professor de Waal\u2019s assessment of the CoHA. As he aptly stated, \u201cthe peace agreement is a pretty shady document… I understand why they signed it\u2014it was the least bad option on the day\u2014but it is full of flaws: no proper monitoring mechanism, no clear appeal procedures, and no institutionalized steps\u2026\u201d for implementation.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Indeed, this deeply flawed agreement has become the root cause of much of the political crisis, division, and mistrust among the people of Tigray. It created fertile ground for conspiracies and manipulation\u2014especially regarding the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs). I personally witnessed one Tigrayan individual affiliated with a splinter group publicly stating in the media that IDPs should not return to their homes while the TPLF remains in power. The interviewer, visibly shocked, asked, \u201cHow can you, as a Tigrayan, say this? Isn\u2019t it the people of Tigray you claim to advocate for?\u201d The individual, unable to contain his anger retorted, \u201cAre you TPLF?\u201d<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

This one scenario of exchange revealed the depth of the conspiracies aimed at prolonging Tigray\u2019s suffering, hoping that despair and frustration would turn the people against the TPLF. Yet, that scheme failed\u2014the people of Tigray proved far more discerning, critical, and farsighted than those plotting against them had anticipated.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Thus, paraphrasing, what I don\u2019t agree with the professor on is his statement: \u201c…the people undoubtedly will say to these leaders, five years ago you failed… We gave you the benefit of the doubt because of the existential threat the people would face… It wasn\u2019t the time for second guesses on leadership… I have no doubt that the people of Tigray, ordinary people, I am absolutely confident, will understand if given the opportunity to speak \u2026 they will begin to know\u2026 The first thing is the current TPLF leadership must depart….\u201d I find this stance unhelpful and counterproductive to resolving Tigray’s ongoing crisis. There is no one better than Professor de Waal to understand
\nthe intricate conspiracies and political machinations that have unfolded in the post-CoHA period.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Yet the TPLF has, and continues to, bear the heavy burden of cleaning up the chaos engineered by Abiy Ahmed, who has weaponized money to manipulate, divide, and weaken Tigray\u2019s political structure and social cohesion. Any impartial observer with firsthand knowledge would recognize that Abiy will rest only when the TPLF is utterly
\ndestroyed. He is ruthlessly exploiting every lever of power to crush Tigray.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

To call for the TPLF leadership to step aside at this moment is not merely misguided\u2014it is to hand Abiy Ahmed a golden opportunity to advance his cruel, ill-fated scheme to annihilate Tigray, undo its hard-won self-rule rights, and strip the people of their political agency.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Professor de Waal condemned the TPLF for allegedly abandoning its historically established practice of holding community consultations, public forums, and regional conferences\u2014mechanisms designed to ensure that the concerns and aspirations of the people are heard. I fear that this assessment may reflect a lack of full information.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

As a matter of fact, the TPLF leadership has devoted significant time and energy over the past two more years to engaging with the people, maintaining exactly the longstanding practice Prof. de Wall asserted. Yet, some stubborn individuals who intend to undermine TPLF refuse to acknowledge these public interactions as legitimate or relevant.
\nTo them, only a narrow group of educated elites counts as \u201cworthy\u201d people, while ordinary citizens meeting with the TPLF are dismissed or ignored.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Make no mistake: throughout its struggle, the TPLF has consistently met with the people it represents-majority the peasants. What may have changed is not TPLF\u2019s commitment to engagement, but the composition of Tigray\u2019s population\u2014today, there are more educated elites than during the time of 17 years of struggle. Yet the majority of
\nthe population remains the same, and the TPLF continues to consult with all segments of society, not only the educated few. Guided by this approach, over the past few years, the TPLF has taken decisive steps toward internal leadership renewal and expanded grassroots participation.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

These initiatives represent a sustained effort to restore public trust and strengthen the bond among the people. To date, by consistently engaging the public, the TPLF has weathered wave after wave of political crises and successfully thwarted Abiy Ahmed\u2019s hapless attempts to fracture Tigray\u2019s political structure, annihilate its people, and force them to relinquish their hard-won rights to self-rule.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Yet, certain individuals determined to undermine the TPLF refuse to recognize these interactions as legitimate or meaningful. In their view, only a small circle of educated elites qualifies as \u201cworthy\u201d participants in decision making, while the broader population engaging with the TPLF is dismissed or ignored. It is reasonable to hope that Professor de Waal, given his rigorous scholarship and principled approach, would not accept this narrow, elitist perspective\u2014what might rightly be called \u201celite snobbery\u201d\u2014as a valid measure of the TPLF\u2019s accountability or responsiveness.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

It is critical to situate the accusations that the TPLF is \u201cconspiring with the federal government\u201d in their proper context. While a small splinter faction has been seen working and campaigning against the interests of their people, the legitimate TPLF leadership has consistently pursued peace through genuine political dialogue and negotiation\u2014not only with Abiy Ahmed\u2019s government but also with other regional actors, including Eritrea, Amhara, and Afar.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

These efforts occur in a context where the CoHA has been systematically violated by Abiy Ahmed\u2019s regime and its allies. To portray the TPLF as a conspirator with the federal government is not only misleading but also distorts reality, ignoring the stark asymmetry of power and the persistent obstruction orchestrated by federal actors and their collaborators. The TPLF is resisting these external pressures to protect Tigray\u2019s political agency, unity, and survival\u2014not colluding with those who seek its destruction.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The federal government has effectively weaponized the CoHA as a political trap\u2014designed not to advance peace, but to delegitimize the TPLF, render it politically irrelevant, and replace it with a proxy entity molded in Abiy Ahmed\u2019s image. Such an objective, however, is fundamentally unattainable as long as the TPLF remains alive and resilient, continuing to embody the political will and aspirations of the Tigrayan people.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

As for the claims of \u201cillicit gold mining and human trafficking,\u201d such statements echo narratives that have been amplified by anti-TPLF media outlets and political adversaries whose agenda is to discredit it. While corruption and resource mismanagement should never be dismissed wherever they occur, broad and unsubstantiated accusations risk conflating rumor with evidence. A fair and responsible analysis must differentiate between propaganda aimed at demonizing a political organization and verifiable facts established through credible investigation. It was unfortunate that Professor de Waal chose to invoke such unfounded allegations at a time when baseless claims and political finger-pointing have become routine. In particular, TPLF\u2019s splinter group has repeatedly weaponized such accusations to discredit senior military generals who stood against their agenda, using the same narrative to tarnish the TPLF\u2019s reputation as a whole.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In this context, simply asserting that something is a \u201cwidely known fact\u201d is wholly inadequate\u2014especially coming from a scholar of Professor de Waal\u2019s stature, whose words carry considerable influence and whose credibility rests on evidence, not hearsay or politically motivated rumor.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Another issue is the Professor de Waal\u2019s characterization of Getachew Assefa\u2019s appointment to the TPLF\u2019s Central Committee, which he described as \u201ca terrible message\u201d\u2014arguing that appointing \u201cthe most hated and corrupt man in Ethiopia, hated with reason\u201d signaled \u201ccomplete disrespect to the sentiments of the people and the direction of democracy.\u201d This interpretation, however, reflects an external perception that overlooks the complex political realities within Tigray. While opinions about individual leaders inevitably vary, reducing the TPLF\u2019s leadership decisions to such a sweeping moral judgment risks echoing narratives shaped by misinformation and propaganda.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The campaign to vilify Getachew Assefa has been orchestrated largely by the very actors who have driven Ethiopia from one crisis to another\u2014hardly credible voices on matters of integrity or governance. His appointment should instead be understood within the broader context of institutional continuity, security imperatives, and the urgent
\nneed for experienced leadership during a period of profound instability. Getachew\u2019s background in intelligence and governance equips him with the strategic discipline necessary to confront the existential threats facing Tigray, both internally and externally. Ultimately, questions of leadership legitimacy in Tigray must be determined not by external observers or partisan critics, but by the collective will and judgment of the Tigrayan people themselves. To label his appointment a \u201cterrible mistake\u201d without accounting for these realities oversimplifies a deeply complex situation and inadvertently reinforces the external biases that have long undermined Tigray\u2019s right to political agency.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Thus, it is neither accurate nor fair to claim that the TPLF has turned its back on the people. In reality, it continues to operate under immense pressure and complex humanitarian and political constraints imposed by the very actors who seek its destruction. The party\u2019s resilience in such conditions is not evidence of isolation\u2014it is evidence of survival, adaptation, and a continuing commitment to represent the will and welfare of the people.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

It is regrettable that Professor de Waal, a scholar known for his meticulous research and sensitivity to complex African political realities, may have been influenced by the coordinated disinformation campaign targeting the TPLF. Certain elites\u2014both within and outside Tigray\u2014have invested heavily in constructing a narrative that portrays the TPLF as an obsolete, conspiratorial force detached from the people. In truth, many of these individuals represent a new kind of elitist snobbery: they claim to speak for \u201cthe people\u201d while dismissing the actual voices of farmers, soldiers, mothers, and youth who continue to engage with the TPLF as the only organized structure capable of defending Tigray\u2019s existence and political rights.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The TPLF is far from perfect; it has made mistakes, some of them grave. But to argue that it should \u201cgo\u201d without recognizing its historic and current role in safeguarding Tigray\u2019s survival is intellectually inconsistent and politically na\u00efve. The people of Tigray, not external commentators or political adversaries, have the sovereign right to determine their leadership and political path. Genuine democracy demands that such decisions arise from within, through free dialogue and reform, not through pressure shaped by propaganda or external disillusionment.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In conclusion, while I honor Professor de Waal for his profound moral stance on the Tigray genocide and his enduring solidarity with the people, I must also assert the need for balance and context when assessing Tigray\u2019s internal politics. Critique is healthy, but it must be grounded in fairness and evidence, not in the recycled narratives of those who wish to see Tigray weakened from within. The TPLF remains a central pillar of Tigray\u2019s political identity and resilience. To demand its disappearance is, knowingly or unknowingly, to advance the very project that Abiy Ahmed and his accomplices have pursued since November 2020\u2014the disempowerment of Tigray and the silencing of its collective voice.<\/p>\n\n

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A Reflection on Alex de Waal\u2019s Recent Interview with Shushay Adane. By Ghenet Gebru, Before I delve into my reflections and critique, allow me to express my sincere appreciation and profound respect for Professor Alex de Waal\u2014an exceptional voice of moral clarity and courage since the eruption of the genocidal war against Tigray in November […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":26155,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"slim_seo":{"title":"A Reflection on Alex de Waal\u2019s Recent Interview with Shushay Adane. - Dedebit Broadcasting Corporation","description":"A Reflection on Alex de Waal\u2019s Recent Interview with Shushay Adane. 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By Ghenet Gebru, Before I delve into my reflections and critique, allow me to express my sincere appreciation and profound respect for Professor Alex de Waal\u2014an exceptional voice of moral clarity and courage since the eruption of the genocidal war against Tigray in November…","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/26139","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/10"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=26139"}],"version-history":[{"count":18,"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/26139\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":26158,"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/26139\/revisions\/26158"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/26155"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=26139"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=26139"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dedebit.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=26139"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}